We stress once again that the Global Justice Platform which we have presented in this report has many limitations and shortcomings. The sole ambition of the GJP is to participate to a collective deliberative process on global justice. Our main conclusion is that it is possible to reconcile planetary habitability and high well-being for all, but that this requires a major shift toward sufficiency (including a sharp reduction in labour hours and a large change in consumption patterns, food habits and land use), fast decarbonization of energy systems requiring unprecedented climate investments, and most importantly a drastic reduction in inequality of income, wealth and power in order to ensure that these transformations are economically financed and politically sustained. We have proposed one quantitatively and institutionally grounded, if necessarily incomplete, step in that direction. We will be delighted if it can contribute to stimulate other contributions and discussions.
A Platform Complementing Many Other Platforms
The Global Justice Platform should be viewed as a small contribution to a broader collective movement that is already well advanced at the world scale, particularly in the Global South, and to a lesser extent in the North.
In particular, we stress that several of the basic features of the Global Justice Platform – e.g. the creation of a global wealth tax and the issuance of an international currency to help finance development and climate investment – are shared with other recent policy proposals. For instance, the GJP is very close in spirit to the “Bridgetown Initiative on the International Development and Climate Finance Architecture”, launched in 2022 by a coalition of governments from the Global South (under the auspices of the Prime Minister of Barbados). The Bridgetown Initiative stresses the complementary role of global wealth taxation and international monetary reform, as we do. The main novelty is that we attempt to embed these proposals into a full-fledged quantitative and institutional analysis, including the modelling of global socioeconomic convergence, temperature change, and distributional trajectories. Our broad conclusion is that it is possible to conceive of a quantitatively consistent plan for sustainable development on the world scale on the basis of the premises of the Bridgetown Initiative. Our work is also consistent with the recent Sevilla Commitment on development finance, the UN Tax Convention process, and G20 initiatives led by Brazil and South Africa on global inequality and the rebalancing of wealth and power within planetary limits. [1]See also the plan on global poverty and sustainability coordinated by the UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights (De Schutter, 2026), the reports by the Tax Justice Network (Mager, 2025), the work of the International Panel on Social Progress (IPSP), and the climate & redistribution plans coordinated by the GRD network (Global Redistribution Advocates) (Fabre, 2024, 2026; Fabre et al, 2026), which share some of the GJP features (including global progressive taxation and country transfers). Our main novelty is to embed global taxes and transfers and institutional changes into the framework of global convergence between countries, climate projections and full-fledged distributional and multisectoral analysis. We view these various contributions to the public discussion as highly complementary to one another, and we very much hope that they will contribute to feed the global debate on these crucial issues in the future.
The Global Justice Platform is also closely connected to the growing debate on colonial and climate reparations, and in particular to the discussion on how to define equity between countries in a context characterized by large disparities in historical responsibilities. While the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change does recognize the principle of “Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities” (UNFCCC, article 3.1), the question of how to formalize and translate this principle into quantitative policies remains largely unresolved and inherently conflictual. A number of actors from the Global South – including the Climate Equity Monitor (CEM) initiative – have stressed the need to take historical GHG emissions into account to operationalize the concept of climate equity. [2]See climateequitymonitor.in and Kanitkar et al (2019, 2024), as well as the work by the Climate Action Network (CAN) and the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ). See also the Global Solidarities Task Force (GSTF) initiative set up by Barbados, Kenya and France to explore options for international taxes financing climate reparations in the Global South. We have followed this approach in order to assess the extent to which the Global Justice Platform meets this objective. Our conclusion is that the GJP should be scaled up and/or supplemented by other transfers and policies so as to be able to fully compensate for historical damages. Our approach to climate and colonial damages is also consistent with the recent work by the American Society for International Law (ASIL), the Center for Reparations Research (CRR, University of West Indies), the Reparations Commission of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the African Union. [3]See Bazelon et al (2023) and Robinson (2023). Finally, our proposals on the transformation of the international economic and financial system, including the creation of an international clearing union and the democratization of the governance and voting rules, are closely related to recent proposals made by a number of collective organizations around the world (including Progressive International). [4]See the “Program of Action on the Construction of a New International Economic Order”, 2024. See also the work by Democracy International, the South Centre and the World Federalist Movement.
Given the magnitude of the transformations described by the GJP (or by a similar platform or set of platforms with similar goals), it is clear that nothing can be achieved without a powerful citizen movement and a dense network of broad-based organizations (including labour unions, political parties, civic platforms and other collective initiatives) which are sufficiently well organized and effective at promoting broad institutional and policy changes. While political and electoral processes are obviously very important, the success of this movement will ultimately depend on a broader cultural and intellectual battle about the meaning of sufficiency, equality and prosperity, both in the South and in the North.
Collective Deliberation and Material Knowledge
Within this broader sociopolitical process, a better articulation between citizen knowledge and social science research should also play a critical role in the future. Economic and budgetary platforms cannot be left to discussion by small groups of experts and decision makers. They belong to all citizens and should be at the centre of democratic deliberation and confrontation. In this report, we have tried to show that it is possible and necessary to articulate material accounting (using the language of work hours, sectoral shares, education and health, input-output matrices, energy systems, GHG emissions, land use, forest cover, temperature rise, etc.) and monetary accounting (using the language of income and wealth scales between and within countries). We stress that our material accounting framework remains highly incomplete. In particular, there are other planetary boundaries beyond climate change (biodiversity loss, freshwater depletion, ocean acidification, mining extractivism, etc.), which are sometime more difficult to quantify, but which cannot be studied through decarbonization alone. These other boundaries should be explicitly included in our material accounting system in the future, together with monetary accounting.
Another equally important and arguably even more challenging objective is to link the language of macroeconomic accounting at the world and national level (both material and monetary) with the local experience and knowledge which citizens and workers from all countries and conditions accumulate regarding production techniques, labour and property relations, community involvement and environmental preservation. If both levels of knowledge are not reconciled and articulated together in order to feed collective mobilization, there is little chance that ambitious transformations will ever happen. In particular, we stress that our work relies on a relatively crude description of the production techniques and the possible changes in the technology and input-output matrices (which for the most past we project for the future on the basis of past trends).[5] This severely limits our ability to properly analyse and discuss some of the most promising avenues for material footprint compression, including the adoption of production techniques using fewer material inputs but more human labour. This may apply to a number of old or new techniques in material sectors like agriculture, construction and manufacturing, as well as to supposedly immaterial sectors like education, culture and health, which could also use very different techniques and input structure in the future in order to truly reduce material footprint. We hope that the present work and future initiatives organized in the context of the Global Justice Project and other collective endeavors will contribute to this complex and crucial process.
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