What is a just society, a just world, a just planet? In this report, we attempt to describe how a world committed to global socioeconomic justice and planetary habitability could look by 2100 – in particular, the distribution of economic and environmental resources within and between countries, including access to education, health, material goods, income, wealth, and political voice. We also lay out a plausible and fully quantified transition path to get there from 2026 to 2100
Over the course of the 20th century, several countries were able to reduce social inequalities significantly (via the development of social-democratic welfare states, public education and health, progressive taxation of income and wealth, social security systems, labour law and democratic rights) while at the same time achieving unprecedented levels of economic prosperity. This historical trend toward equality, social inclusiveness, and prosperity, however, has been interrupted (and, in some cases, partly reversed) since the 1980s-1990s. Moreover, this long-run evolution has been largely confined to a subset of rich nation-states in the North, particularly in Western and Nordic Europe, while largely overlooking enormous North-South inequalities. This is even more problematic given that the Western enrichment could never have taken place without very strong international integration and without the brutal exploitation of the natural and human resources available on a global scale, resulting in massive human suffering and unprecedented environmental damage. While there are many positive lessons to be drawn from the reduction of inequality and the construction of social-national states in Western and Nordic Europe, as well as from successful development experiences in all parts of the world, a more ambitious social-internationalist and planet-conscious agenda is now needed in order to pursue the movement toward equality at a global level and to confront the existential challenges of global warming and planetary habitability.
Defining Global Socioeconomic Justice
The Global Justice Project aims to draw lessons from past experiences to describe what a just distribution of income, wealth, and other socioeconomic and environmental resources could look like at the global level in the 21st century and how it could be achieved. For the purposes of this report, we will use the following imperfect definition of justice. A just society is one that allows all its members to have access to the widest possible range of fundamental goods. Fundamental goods include education, health, housing, food, culture, a sustainable and biodiverse planet, and economic and political voice, i.e., effective participation in democratic deliberation and decision-making in social, cultural, economic, civic, and political life. A just society organises socioeconomic relations, property rights, and the distribution of income and wealth in such a way that allows its least advantaged members to enjoy the highest possible life conditions and to participate effectively in all aspects of social life.
First and foremost, a just society and a just world depend on the empowerment of all strata of society, beginning with its most disadvantaged and powerless members, both at the global and national levels. A just society in no way requires absolute uniformity or equality. To the extent that income and wealth inequalities are the result of different aspirations and distinct life choices, or permit improvement of the standard of living and expansion of the opportunities available to the disadvantaged, they may be considered just. But this must be demonstrated, not assumed. Importantly, this argument cannot be invoked to justify any degree of inequality whatsoever, as is too often done by privileged social groups, most of the time without acknowledging the successful historical movement toward equality which we observe in some of the world’s most prosperous countries over the long run. In addition, this deliberative process must focus on the global ecological footprint, especially given the global origins and extractive dimensions of modern enrichment.
This imprecise definition of a just society is far from resolving all the issues. But going further requires collective deliberation informed by each citizen's historical and social experience, with participation from all members of society. That is why participation and deliberation are both ends and means. The definition is nevertheless useful because it allows us to lay down certain principles. In particular, equality of access to fundamental goods must be absolute: one cannot offer greater political participation, extended education, or higher income to certain groups while depriving others of their right to vote, attend school, or receive health care. Where do fundamental goods such as education, health, planetary habitability, housing, culture, etc., start, and where do they end? That is obviously a matter for debate and cannot be decided without extensive democratic and collective deliberation. This also requires us to permanently question all forms of received wisdom about the socioeconomic order and to take a fresh look at all collective and historical experiences that have tried to redefine and reshape existing institutional arrangements and property regimes [1]This view of socioeconomic justice as participation, deliberation and confrontation combines the insights of multiple lines of thoughts (including Rousseau, Marx, Durkheim, Keynes, Rawls and Sen). See T. Piketty, Capital and Ideology, chapter 17, HUP 2020; A Brief History of Equality, HUP 2022..
In the context of this complex and collective political process, we believe that it is useful and appropriate for a team of researchers who have been closely involved in the historical and comparative analysis of inequality and development to contribute to this discussion and deliberation. In the Global Justice Report, we aim to draw lessons from our research and to set some quantitative targets about global socioeconomic justice, which we formulate both in terms of material accounting (work hours, sectoral shares, education/health, energy systems, GHG emissions, land use, forest cover, temperature rise, etc.) and monetary accounting (income and wealth scales between and within countries).
More precisely, we describe plausible and desirable future scenarios that combine two key goals: socioeconomic equality (including full economic equality between countries, full gender equality in labour hours and pay, sharp compression of within country income and wealth scales, combined with fair access to education, healthcare and effective participation in all aspects of social, economic, cultural and political life); and planetary habitability (aligning global resource use within ecological boundaries, in particular, limiting global temperature increase below 2°C). We analyze various combinations of global- and country-level policies and institutional transformations to implement these outcomes.
We are aware that the dimensions of global justice addressed here cover only a subset of what a comprehensive global justice platform should entail. In addition, setting precise quantitative targets for socioeconomic justice always entails significant oversimplification. National accounting and country-level statistics inevitably smooth over local living standards, individual differences, and the full complexity of human well-being. Practical policy implementation and real-world institutional change always involve complex, multidimensional transformations and shifting power relations among social groups. The success or failure of such transformations generally depends on myriad factors that cannot be fully captured or adequately appreciated by quantitative targets and macro-level accounting. At the same time, we believe that this kind of quantitative framework can play a useful role in the public discussion, as long as we recognize the limitations of this type of language and its complementarity with other forms of arguments and modes of expressions.
Participation & Deliberation vs Crisis & Catastrophes in the History of Equality
In the past, the march toward equality did not always happen in peace. It did not emerge as the steady outcome of a quiet process based upon well-organized collective participation and democratic deliberation. Social struggles and popular mobilizations have been at the forefront of the long run movement towards greater political and socioeconomic equality over the past 250 years, from the revolutionary events of the late 18th century to the social movements of the early 21st century. In effect, social struggles should be regarded as among the most effective forms of political participation, alongside electoral processes.
In some cases, crises, wars, and catastrophes of all sorts also played a crucial role in accelerating political change and institutional transformations. To some extent, the emergence of egalitarian and prosperous social-democratic societies in Western Europe in the 20th century was facilitated – and possibly accelerated – by the violent fall of previous elites and power regimes and by the cataclysmic damages produced by the nationalist, colonialist, and extractive ideologies on which they were based. It is likely that other crises and catastrophes – including climate and environmental disasters, and new nationalist rivalries and conflicts over resources – will also play a critical role in the future, perhaps on a truly global scale this time.
In the Ministry of the Future, science-fiction author Kim Stanley Robinson imagines a world where major climate catastrophes occur – including a heatwave that kills millions in Uttar Pradesh and a coalition of eco-activists shooting airplanes – before public opinion, governments and international organizations alike finally decide to transform our economic and political systems. The real-world geopolitical clashes over territories and resources unfolding in the 2020s – with a return to earlier forms of extractive gestures, from Ukraine to Greenland, Panama, Venezuela, and Iran – might also help convince citizens around the world that the current international system leads to dead ends and needs a serious reset.
We certainly cannot predict which catastrophes or sequences of events will lead to political and socioeconomic change in the future. We are also very much aware of the tragic and violent nature of history. But at the same time, we also know that participation and deliberation will matter in all possible trajectories. Waiting for crises and cataclysms to impose radical changes is not enough – especially if the nature of the radical changes that we aspire to is not well-defined. One of the key lessons from the history of equality – from the Enlightenment in the 18th century to the Social-Democratic Revolution of the 20th century – is that political ideas and policy platforms do matter. The sole ambition of the Global Justice Platform is to participate in this collective deliberative process by proposing one quantitatively and institutionally grounded, if necessarily incomplete, step in that direction. We hope it stimulates other contributions and discussions.
| Box 3: How the Global Justice Report Complements IPCC Reports and other Work on Shared Socioeconomic Pathways, Global Inequality, and Climate Futures |
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| The Global Justice Platform is closely related to existing approaches to modelling macroeconomic pathways and climate impacts, particularly the Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs) underlying IPCC scenarios (O'Neill et al. 2014; Riahi et al. 2017). It complements these approaches both methodologically and in terms of the scenarios it describes. The main novelty of the Global Justice Platform is to put sufficiency & inequality (both between countries and within countries) at the centre of climate projections and scenario analysis. From a methodological point of view, the Global Justice Platform is built on an input-output accounting framework rather than the Integrated Assessment Models (IAMs) typically used in the literature on climate scenarios. Although simpler in some respects, this approach is particularly well-suited to investigating the role of structural transformation toward immaterial sectors as an explicit climate lever. As such, the Global Justice Platform speaks directly to the literature on the links between structural transformation and environmental outcomes (Stern, 2004; Henriques & Kander, 2010; Wiedmann et al., 2015; Dorninger et al., 2021; Hickel and Kallis, 2020; Lefèvre et al., 2022; Dixson-Declève et al, 2022; Gáspár et al, 2025). The Global Justice Platform also provides a transparent framework for engaging in debates around “green growth”, “degrowth”, and “sufficiency”. Degrowth challenges the foundational assumption that continued economic growth is compatible with ecological sustainability (Kallis, 2011; Hickel, 2021; Wiedmann et al., 2020; Haberl et al., 2020; Parrique et al., 2019; Jackson, 2017; Keyßer & Lenzen, 2021), while sufficiency approaches emphasise reducing demand for resource-intensive goods and services rather than merely greening their production (Sandberg, 2021; Vogel et al., 2021; EEB 2024). By providing a simple and transparent quantitative framework to investigate climate outcomes under different assumptions on aggregate growth, its sectoral composition, and the pace of energy transition, the Global Justice Platform allows these debates to be grounded in concrete quantitative scenario analysis (Slameršak et al., 2026). In terms of scenario design, the Global Justice Platform breaks new ground in several respects. To our knowledge, no existing IAM scenario models full convergence in per capita income across countries (Kanitkar et al. 2024). Even SSP1, the most ambitious "Sustainability" scenario used in IPCC reports, projects per capita incomes in Sub-Saharan Africa at only one-third of those in the richest countries by 2100, and assumes population levels well below UN projections. Some recent IAM models acknowledge that full GDP convergence is technically feasible to model, but do not pursue it on the grounds that global models cannot adequately represent the distributional and political-economy transformations that would need to accompany such scenarios (Kanitkar et al. 2026, see also Millward-Hopkins and Oswald, 2023). An important step towards understanding the conditions and emissions implications of global income convergence is the work of Oswald and Millward-Hopkins (2025), who develop a deterministic, data-driven model to project global income convergence scenarios and assess their emissions implications. The Global Justice Platform builds on this contribution by providing a more granular sectoral decomposition of the economy and a detailed disaggregation of the energy sector, while also making explicit the institutional changes and within-country redistribution needed to render such pathways just and feasible. Existing climate scenarios also place limited focus on the evolution of within-country inequality (Zimm et al., 2024; Dooley et al., 2021; Bothe et al., 2025). The Global Justice Platform instead treats the compression of within-country inequality as a key component of sustainable global convergence, generating the fiscal space needed for massive investment in human capital and climate mitigation. Existing scenarios also often leave out questions of the long-run evolution of income and wealth inequality (Bourguignon and Morrisson, 2000; Chancel and Piketty, 2021; Chancel et al, 2022, 2026). The Global Justice Platform is closely related to a growing body of work in economics, sociology, and other social sciences stressing the need to reduce the extreme concentration of wealth and power in order to make the global socioeconomic system more in line with sustainability objectives (Robeyns, 2024; Ferreras et al, 2026; De Schutter, 2026). It also contributes to the growing debate on global inequality and redistribution in relation to colonial and climate reparations (Bazelon et al, 2023; Robinson, 2023; Kanitkar et al, 2019, 2024), and in particular to the discussion on how to define equity between countries in a context characterized by large disparities in historical responsibilities. The Global Justice Platform is also novel in that all its projections are grounded in, and benchmarked against, long-run historical series on income and wealth distributions, productivity growth, working hours, consumption patterns, and material footprints. This historical anchoring allows the platform to distinguish between genuinely unprecedented trajectories and those that, while ambitious, fall within the range of historical experience. Finally, SSPs and related models largely leave out questions of international institutional reform. The Global Justice Platform connects its macroeconomic and environmental projections directly to debates on global governance by acknowledging that current IMF and World Bank rules entrench Western dominance and under-represent developing countries (Leech, 2002; Rapkin and Strand, 2006; Vestergaard and Wade, 2013; Druschke and Nievas, 2026).). It also builds up on discussions surrounding the reform of the international monetary and reserve system (Keynes, 1943; Brandt Commission, 1980; Stiglitz, 2010; Greenwald and Stiglitz, 2010; Ocampo, 2010; Bridgetown Initiative, 2024; Progressive International, 2024; Morgan and Patomäki, 2026; Kari and Holappa, 2026), and the long history of North-South transfers rooted in colonial extraction, unequal exchange, and exorbitant privileges (i.e. differential returns on foreign assets) (Amin, 1973; Hickel et al., 2021; Bazelon et al., 2023; Nievas and Sodano, 2024; Nievas and Piketty, 2025). In contrast to other work, the Global Justice Report begins with a fully specified convergence scenario and derives the institutional architecture that is necessary to support it. We hope that this can contribute to moving the debate on international institutional reform closer to discussions on sustainability and climate scenarios. |